Ano Ang Tripoli Agreement
However, the group split and weakened over time, particularly after the 1996 agreement. Today, the MNLF is made up of different political groups, led by different leaders. These leaders sometimes collaborate with each other and sometimes express antithetical views and objectives, particularly with regard to ENTRETIENs between the Philippines and the proposed Region of Bangsamoro. There are conflicting reports about who is the president of the MNLF. The Philippine government, the OIC, separates MNLF groups, and the media cite several people as presidents of the organization.  Under the leadership of Fidel V. Ramos, the government and MNLF signed the final peace agreement in Jakarta, Indonesia, in 1996.  He allowed qualified MNLF members to join the Philippine Armed Forces and the Philippine National Police and founded the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development, dominated by the MNLF. Misuari then ran for governor of the ARMM.  In 1997, Ramos and Misuari won the peace agreement at the Felix Houphouét-Boigny Peace Prize.
 “The Tripoli agreement was successful. We had peace. We stopped fighting with the MNLF. But it was ignored in 1986, so that some of the agreements reached in the Tripoli agreement were not implemented. He went on the track,” Marcos said at a press conference Saturday afternoon at the Park Inn Hotel. That same year, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, which had separated from the MNLF in 1977, began informal discussions with the Ramos government. However, these were not followed, and milF began to recruit and establish camps and become the dominant Muslim rebel group. Joseph Estrada`s government has called for a firm stance against it; Gloria Macapagal Arroyo tried to sign a peace agreement with him, but it was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the Philippines.  Only Misuari (1972 to present): Misuari is the founding president of the MNLF and heads one of the organization`s current factions from 2019.
 During his tenure as governor of the ARMM from 1996 to 2001, Misuari was strongly criticized by government officials and MNLF members for political and financial mismanagement. These differences led to the formation of anti-Misuari factions, such as the Muslim Executive Council of Sema at 15 (EC-15).  After the Zamboanga urban crisis in 2013 and the arrest warrant against him, Misuari disappeared. However, he continued to hold an influential position among some political groups, three of which chose him in 2014 to be their representative for future discussions with the government. Misuari strongly opposed talks between the Philippine government and the government.  Misuari met however with Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte before the BBL and played a public role. He opposed the abolition of armM AS a framework for moro autonomy in the south of the country and insisted on becoming governor of the autonomous region.  Despite the successful integration of its members into Philippine society and politics, the MNLF was thwarted by the implementation of the 1996 agreement. Many MNLF members felt that the new biological law for the 2001 ARMM – which introduced the second stage of the 1996 agreement – was contrary to the provisions of the final peace agreement on mineral resources. The MNLF broke into several new groups, including the Executive Council of 15 (EC-15), established in 2001 – which opposed a group that was still loyal to Misuari and led. Prior to the ARMM elections in November 2001, Misuari`s dissatisfaction with the implementation of the 1996 agreement and the diminishing influence led him to carry out an armed attack in Sulu and Zamboanga City.
This attack – carried out by the MNLF faction of Misuari, sometimes called the Misuari Breakaway Group (MBG) – was to stop the ARMM elections, which Misuari did not think would win them.  Misuari fled to Malaysia after the failure of the rebellion.